Moreno, C. Murcott, T. Science journalism: Toppling the priesthood. Nature, , Selling science: How the press covers science and technology. New York: W. Palen, J. A map for science reporters: Science, technology, and society studies concepts in basic reporting and newswriting textbooks. Michigan Academician, 26, Peters, H. Gap between science and media revisited: Scientists as public communicators. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 3 , Science Journalism: Too close for confort. Rosen, C. Science Communication, 38 3 , Public Understanding of Science 21 6 , Four models of science journalism.
Journalism Practice, 7 1 , The American journalist in the s: U. News people at the end of an era. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum. Williams, A. Mapping the field: Specialist science news journalism in the UK national media. For that, it is based on the analysis of a set of news stories about violence against women in context of gender relations and proximity, collected in nine Brazilian media during the years of and Recognized as one of the countries with the highest rates of violence against women, in recent decades Brazil has passed laws aimed at protecting victims and aggravating the convictions of perpetrators, which were the result of intense debates promoted by feminists, researchers and others social actors involved in the guarantee of human rights.
The collected news stories were published in the years immediately prior to the promulgation of the Feminicide Law, in Therefore, the analysis makes it possible to perceive that the media are some steps behind the actions and debates that elevate this issue to a dimension of controversy, as those held in academic spaces, by feminist movements and other social actors in Brazil. Introduction The many expressions of physical and symbolic violence against women have mobilized Brazilian society in significant ways in the last two decades.
This includes discussions based on academic studies; on the militancy of different feminist groups, with perspectives that are not always coincident; on legal provocations seen in judgments led by many courts; on the actions of human rights organizations; on governmental programs; and on many others endeavors carried out by social actors and actresses. Given its urgency, severity and complexity, gender violence acquires a clear status of a relatively long-lasting social controversy Venturini, The intense debate that it has been generating within the Brazilian public sphere has even allowed the elaboration of two major laws.
A point that suggests its relation with the public debates about violence against women in the Brazilian public sphere is that the law was named after Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes, a woman who was, for many years, a victim of aggression by her husband. He tried to murder her and, in the end, made her a paraplegic.
Since then, Maria da Penha managed to call up major sectors of the public sphere, whose pressures culminated in the approval of this legal instrument. There is also the Feminicide Law, from , which qualifies murder crimes from a gender variable, leading to changes in the Brazilian Penal Code. The social and political processes that led to the existence of these laws certainly continue until now, since their implementation requires behavior changes from the lawmakers, as well as a set of actions that involve the State and many social actors and actresses.
The battle against gender-based violence, however, is by no means coming to a disclosure and Brazil presents an alarming data on murders of women. According to the data compiled by Waiselfisz , the country is the fifth in a global ranking of female homicides that includes 83 nations. These numbers are 48 times bigger than the ones observed in the United Kingdom, for example.
These numbers do not include death registers, but they help to enlighten the background of systematic violence in which the violence occurs. It is the same as saying that, by the end of each day, men in Brazil have injured approximately 3, women who lived together with them. Facing such controversy, what role has the Brazilian media been playing?
Is it effectively present or does it act in an elusive way, positioning itself distant from public debates and other agents in the public sphere? In this article, we seek to Not only the assassinations, but themes such as gender identify and reflect on the role of Brazilian media on this hierarchies, abortion, the impact of Brazilian laws for women subject, considering that studies with different propositions, protection and punishment of the aggressors are almost such as the ones from Pasinato completely ignored in these stories, even though they refer ; ; , Waiselfisz , Carvalho and directly to these and other situations of physical and symbolic Martins , among others, show us a lacunar and fragmentviolence against women, which, we emphasize, are present in ed nature of the media coverage debates and controversies that circulate in the public sphere.
From these analyses, we ask whether gender violence is effectively a relevant issue for Brazilian media agents. In search for answers, we monitored the coverage of cases of gender-based violence in 9 Brazilian media between and The collected data suggests a contradiction: on the one hand, the media commonly report murders, rapes, assaults and other manifestations of gender violence, mainly the physical ones; on the other hand, the report of these events has not recognized or at least has not problematized, its gender component. Thus, we cannot say that cases of gender violence are absent from Brazilian media coverage, but neither can we assume that the controversy to which they are linked, and that mobilizes Brazilian public sphere is fully contemplated.
We propose the use of this expression to investigate issues related to gender violence by focusing on trust relations that occur in complex societies. It is true that, maybe more because of small concern in identifying their particularities so far, than for any other reason, crimes of proximity are still pretty much associated to the so-called crimes of passion, which are investigated with more diligence. Every crime of proximity is subject to contradictions: it is committed by those who are linked in an emotional way, but not only by bonds of trust.
After all, social coexistence and physical proximity in family, at work, in public places etc. Assuming either the perspective of trust in expert systems, as proposed by Anthony Giddens, or the notion of circumstances imposed by a risk society, according to Ulrich Beck, we live in a time that forces us to expand our ways of living together.
This way, the crime of proximity concept exposes elements of disruptions in social trust and, besides that, it shows that violence against women is not restricted to domestic space, thus avoiding some conceptual problems related to the crimes of passion. Controversial as to its heuristic potentialities, the concept of the public sphere has been fundamental to identify how political, economic and behavioral issues, among others, circulate and are socially signified. Although fractured, the concept of public sphere can enlighten what constitutes a problem in a particular society and how different frameworks are applied to this problem.
Historically, the modern Brazilian informative media seems to operate as a public sphere establishes itself in a set of relations with other visibility locus that reiterates violent ways of dealing with the institutions and spheres that issue, not necessarily linking cases of violence against women are typical to the modern way of life. In order to understand to gender relations.
Moreover, we can notice that media the changes in the public sphere, it must be outlined in contraconsidered to have greater popular appeal exploit the cases position to other institutions of murder and aggression with more emphasis than the and spheres, considering the historical context of its formaproclaimed journalism of record.
It is also noticeable that tion. The contrast institutions at the time of the murder, like the police. It is exposed here is merely between what is public and what is important to observe that feminist groups and members of private Gomes, 42 From this perspective that Law and Health operators and from many others contrasts the domestic sphere, governmental and nongovernmental agencies, people that or intimacy sphere, with the public affairs and non-private fight against gender inequality in Brazil, they rarely appear as sphere, it is necessary to remark that when we talk sources of information for the coverage of crimes of about physical and symbolic violence against women, the proximity.
These social practices and traditional ways of understanding must be overcome to allow the rise of new dynamics that, talking specifically about gender relations, hierarchies, prejudices, exclusion and other devices that represent physical and symbolic violence, will make possible the recognition of absolute equal rights.
It is also important to remember that there is not necessarily a continuity between the public sphere and the public media sphere. It may be more common to find divergences between them, or clear discontinuities when one or more media categories make the debates in the public sphere invisible. For our analysis, we take the postulations of Rousiley C. In her words, [w]e start from the premise that the media play an ambiguous role in pre-structuring the political public sphere. In certain situations, media agents can mobilize not only relevant political issues, but also the required information and the appropriate contributions for effective public debate.
In other situations, they may, to the same extent, ignore or trivialize important political issues, obscure or distort information, exclude or delegitimize the voice of certain actors as they favor and advocate for the benefit of others Maia, We are interested in reflecting upon the ambiguities of the media public sphere in the way they bring to light or hide events related to physical and symbolic violence against women, particularly in the so-called crimes of proximity.
Therefore, we leave aside other constitutive aspects of the reality of what has been denominated media public sphere. However, a brief reflection on the notion of controversy is necessary. The public sphere, media public sphere, and controversies form three conceptual dimensions that will help us analyze the corpus of journalistic narratives we collected.
They will allow us to understand how the intersections between the public sphere and media public sphere are given or avoided, and what consequences do they bring to the amplification or reduction of controversies. Methodology and results In an effort to understand the role that informative media performs in the public establishment of gender violence, we followed the stories published by nine Brazilian informative media throughout What we collected comprises eight weeks of news, the result of nine months of data gathering.
To monitor the daily coverages, we divided the media into two different groups: a local one, based in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, and a national one, with nationwide coverage. On the other hand, national media could be used to establish a counterpoint to the local witnessing, at the same time relativizing and contextualizing them. Data gathering and indexing were done in the period from May to February , based on the following parameters: a Daily reading of the newspapers in selected weeks, including all its sections.
We chose these schedules in an effort to keep up with the constant updates that are typical of these media, as well as the daily flow and the production time of the news. The work resulted in collected stories, which are now part of an online database, organized as shown in the graphic. All collected texts were properly indexed in an online database, which allows that they are accessed and organized by general variables. Since , this database has been regularly analyzed by following two major guidelines. The first one consists an effort to describe, from general variables, recurrent aspects of media coverage.
This guideline includes the studies that seek to investigate unchanging factors that refer to the nature of the media press, audiovisual, etc. The second one is formed by case studies, in which textual, discursive and narrative aspects of specific stories are contemplated, with the objective to apprehend, on the textual surface, contradictions and particularities. This collection of analyzes allows us, so far, to at least glimpse the role of Brazilian informative media in the controversy over gender violence. And this role is not that positive. Journalistic coverage in Brazil is characterized by reports of the occuGraphic 1.
Stories by informative media. Much of this coverage is dedicated to the death of women victims of what we are calling crimes of proximity. Web portals presented the majority of violence records, more than half of the reports, effectively functioning as some cases repository. These narratives hardly exceeded the information provided by police records. A careful observation of the data also allowed us to perceive that the news presented a disparity, depending on which informative media they originate from, between the proportion of cases of women deaths and other episodes of violence.
Murders are the most visible events under a perspective that focuses on the typical relations of violence in which the man in a proximity relationship to the female victim is the person who will answer for the crime. Intimacy appears then as a key context to define these homicides. In the news about crimes of violence against women, what we see the most are episodes defined by violence in emotional relations. It is noteworthy that aggressions happen both throughout the relationships and after their end, and one of the reasons most often indicated by the media as the cause of violence is precisely the non-acceptance of the breakup by the men.
The presence of other institutions, like the police, among other factors, makes a decisive contribution to the rise in the attention to the murders. In most cases, this portrayal is made according to the perspective offered by the police, ignoring consequences and, often, the path that women go through when they seek help. By reading the journalistic reports, we still find little permeability to issues under tension and controversy in the public sphere. It is significant, considering this, that the discussions that led to the Feminicide Law in , which also occurred in previous years, were completely absent from the coverage of everyday cases of violence against women, including murders.
Not only the assassinations, but themes such as gender hierarchies, abortion, the impact of Brazilian laws for women protection and punishment of the aggressors are almost completely ignored in these stories, even though they refer directly to these and other situations of physical and symbolic violence against women, which, we emphasize, are present in debates and controversies that circulate in the public sphere.
Journalistic narratives are far from incorporating the comprehension of causes that prevent women from abandoning the cycle of violence, both the so-called internal causes — the feelings present in the situation —and the external ones— that correspond to how such causes are socially recognized Sagot, Thus, Brazilian informative media seems to operate as a visibility locus that reiterates violent ways of dealing with the issue, not necessarily linking cases of violence against women to gender relations.
Moreover, we can notice that media considered to have greater popular appeal exploit the cases of murder and aggression with more emphasis than the proclaimed journalism of record. It is also noticeable that journalistic interest is based on a social perception that violence against women, in a context of intimacy relations, acquires relevance as it leaves a supposed dimension of the private or of the home intimacy and begins to involve other institutions at the time of the murder, like the police. It is important to observe that feminist groups and members of Law and Health operators and from many others governmental and nongovernmental agencies, people that fight against gender inequality in Brazil, they rarely appear as sources of information for the coverage of crimes of proximity.
As we tried to show with the opinion polls on violence against women, the controversies involving gender relations, murders and various forms of symbolic depreciation indicate, in Brazil, just as the statistic data on the violence decrease after the approval of legal instruments does, a kind of cartography of controversies whose outlines are not always too precise. In this sense, it is possible to perceive that the media are some steps behind the actions and debates that are taking place in academic fields, feminist movements and other social actors and actresses that deal with this problem in Brazil, elevating it to the dimension of a controversy Venturini, References Antunes, E.
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Biroli, F. Cadernos Pagu, 34, Carvalho, C. Oliveira Org. L Correa, P. Antunes, E. Prior, L. Araujo Org. Cerqueira, D. Avaliando a efetividade da Lei Maria da Penha. News of partner femicides: The shift from private issue to public problem. European Journal of Communication, 30 2. Theoretical and definitional issues in violence against women. Renzetti, J. Bergen Eds. London: Sage. Enduring themes and silences in media portrayals of violence against women. Rethinking public sphere.
Chicago: Duke University Press. OBETS, 7 2 , Gillespie, L. Violence against Women, 19 2 , In Gomes, W. Habermas, J. Madrid: Trotta. Leal, B. Martins, R. Cabecinhas, L. Macedo Org. Braga: Universidade do Minho. Correia, P. Narratives of death: Journalism and figurations of social memory. Abadia Orgs. Lloyd, M. Smoke and mirrors: U. Newspaper representations of intimate partner domestic violence. Violence against Women, 23, 1, Luhmann, N. Barcelona: Anthropos. Maia, R. Maia Eds. Meneghel, S. Ratton, R. Azevedo, Eds. Nettleton, P.
Cadernos Pagu, 37, Pasinato, W. Azevedo Eds. Portella, A. Lei Confiance et reconnaissance. Social Science Information, 50 , Exploring news coverage of femicide: Does reporting the news add insult to injury? Feminist Criminology, 6 3 , Changing coverage of domestic violence murders: A longitudinal experiment in participatory communication. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21 2 , Segato, R. E-Cadernos CES, 18 , Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra.
Soares, B. Dilemas, 5 2 , Sutherland, G. Media representations of violence against women and their children: State of knowledge. Taylor, R. Slain and Slandered: A content analysis of the portrayal of femicide in crime news. Homicide Studies, 13 1 , Venturi, G. Venturini, T. Building on faults: How to represent controversies with digital methods. Public Understanding of Science 21, 7, Wozniak, J.
Fact or fiction? Gender issues related to newspaper reports of intimate partner homicide. Violence against Women, 16 8 , ABSTRACT The construction, visualization and stabilization of public problems require the mobilization of civil society groups concerned about these issues to actively engage in the demand for actions and policies.
This paper explores the institutional campaigns against human trafficking and sexual exploitation in Spain between and and their role in helping to shape this issue as a matter of public concern. Our aim is to identify the ideological basis of these campaigns through their representations of predominant actors, which have been systematized to identify possible mistakes and to help determine more effective actions with a greater capacity for mobilization.
We applied a mixed content analysis combined with a semiotic model to evaluate the presence or absence of the different actors and their relevance in each case. Several lines of discourse have been reiterated accross the 50 campaigns analysed: Curbing the demand for prostitution as a priority objective; the centrality of victims in the representations; the role of the consumer of paid sex as an accomplice to the crime; and the correlation between prostitution and human trafficking.
We will also examine how these issues relate to the broader dispute on the status of prostitution in Spain. This will require a conceptual shift away from educational and social-oriented communication towards the structural causes, collective responsibility and transformative justice frameworks. Introduction In the last decade, trafficking in women and girls for sexual exploitation has become symbolically institutionalised in Spain as a phenomenon that exemplifies the global gender inequalities and requires greater social attention.
In order for sexual exploitation to become a problem of this nature, certain conditions had to be met: the existence of associated collective discontent and suffering, consensus on its importance, the work of specialists in the issue, appeals to the state to address the problem, and the existence of convincing indicators and categories that set the issue as a concern in different public arenas Kessler, In the different spaces in which the issue is mentioned and discussed, participants tend to question the stories that point to the consensus and highlight the dichotomous confrontation that characterises this discussion, largely polarised between those that advocate for its abolition and those who defend sex work Gimeno, ; Pajnic, Social movements, organisations, and institutions of different governmental levels have increased their discursive efforts to influence current and future policies Second National Plan against Sexual Exploitation, , and Anti-trafficking Law, respectively and raise public awareness of this crime.
This has led to a scenario where public action initiatives that aim to make trafficking an issue of top priority in the public agenda have incremented exponentially, without solving the disagreement. As part of a wider research project on the construction of public problems in the mediated sphere, this article analyses how effective institutional advertising is to spread awareness about the phenomenon of sexual exploitation and to enforce a perspective on it through the use of the basic persuasive mechanisms of social advertising: raising of public awareness, symbolic condensation, and emotional intensity.test2.expandit.io/the-shells-of-chanticleer.php
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The progressive increase in campaigns indicates that sexual exploitation has become a critical issue of advocacy at the global and hyper-local levels. These campaigns are the continuation of the strategy initiated for the prevention of gender violence at the state level in , which has persisted despite the budgetary constraints derived from the crisis.
Campaigns to raise public awareness of trafficking are currently being carried out from above: non-mobilised citizens are informed by media products and institutional materials. Media representations are spaces where categorisations, power relations, and practices are put into play. The scenarios in which they are disseminated, tend to be intertwined; and each type of genre informative, advertising, fictional that promotes them acquires meaning and makes sense in its bonds with the others. This inter-discursive space, as an interpretation framework, is especially relevant for advertising given its extreme symbolic condensation.
After a decade, it seems The analysis of the institutional campaigns launched in necessary to review the work that has been done regarding Spain against trafficking for sexual exploitation reveals the institutional advertising in Spain, to set the agenda, awareness-raising but reductionist role they have had in the inform, raise awareness and last decade, which demands the incorporation of the prevent trafficking, establishing a first diagnosis that reveals the approaches of social communication and educommunication successes and errors of a discourse that needs to be further to produce a discursive and representational shift that helps developed.
It is a pending citizens to better understand the structural complexity of the review that has been already carried out in the Anglo-Saxon problem and encourages them to get involved in the solution. As part of the strategy to follow the dispute over trafficking for sexual exploitation, ninety advertising campaigns launched between and September were analysed. Of these campaigns, fifty that were mainly produced by a public institution1 were selected.
The analysis of the campaigns focused on their graphic and audiovisual advertising messages, because: 1 they are the most widespread and accessible elements in comparison to other complementary actions roundtables, theatre plays, etc. The sample was subjected to a mixed content analysis, guided by a purpose-created coding table that incorporates quantitative data related to the number of campaigns and the identification and description of structural elements of their production-reception system year of production and circulation, elements, issuing organisations, target audience, frequency of terms.
Given that a single piece may contain several actors or characters, the results derived from considering, first, their presence or absence and, later, their greater or lesser prominence in each campaign relevance and intensity in the encodings. Analysis and results 3. Issuing organisations The organisations that most frequently launch these campaigns are the autonomous communities 22 and the local governments 18 of Spain.
The most systematic institutions in the use of advertising are the Council of Sevilla 9 campaigns since and the Xunta of Galicia 7 since The increase in campaigns has been gradual and irregular Figure 1 , but enough to show that sexual exploitation is a public problem incorporated into the institutional political agenda as a priority awareness area. The most disseminated campaigns are those launched by the Government of Spain Ministry of Health, Social Affairs, and Equality since its campaign materials are also used by the local and regional institutions.
Another relevant case is the campaign of the National Police, which stands out due to the novelty of the campaigner —with no distinguished presence in other topics— and the argument of authority and credibility that its intervention represents in the public space lately with greater impact thanks to the support of the Mediaset Group.
Other agents with notoriety are the city councils of Seville and Madrid, whose markedly abolitionist proposals have been pioneering and have been accompanied by controversy in the news media. Although Madrid has only launched three campaigns, their impact and efficiency have multiplied as they have been shared with other municipalities like Valencia. Annual distribution of the sample of campaigns. Campaign objectives The campaigns meet various purposes: raise public awareness, provide data and contexts, generate empathy with the victims and contain the demand, which is the main purpose. Of the content, the first thing that stands out is that campaigns offer very little information about trafficking and trafficking in persons; the point of view they use to present the subject is more axiological and affective than informative.
Virtually none of the ads mention that sexual slavery is a process that may or may not include the crime of trafficking, which depends on international networks and responds to some structural causes that make it an endemic phenomenon in some countries. Only one ad launched by the National Police reconstructs sexual slavery as a process, resorting to the frequent merchandise metaphor. The stages that are mentioned are selection and extraction of the best raw material, transport, handling, quality control, distribution, promotion, and sale.
The ad does not mention the conditions in which the crime is committed, the system that protects it, nor the criminal actions that compose it. The only indication is presented through the body of women, through the hypervisibility of the violence that affects them, which shows victims of attacks in the domestic realm.
- Table of contents.
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This explains the metaphorical reiteration of the figure of the slave, the chains, the barcode tattoos and even their representation as corpses. The majority explicit objective of these initiatives is to reduce demand for prostitution. Other less common objectives are to in form about the crime, open up the debate on the statute of the prostitution, encourage denunciation and deter against criminal conducts. More than reporting —what is reasonable in an initial phase— the objective is to shock the receiver through the denunciation of extreme cases, which are always excessive.
Characterisation 3. Female characters: victims Of the characters represented, victims and clients are the most abundant Table 2. Procurers and society are minorities. The forms of this representation are diverse: as a subject victim of violence or, through a metaphorical configuration: as merchandise an object of food consumption, packaged, and priced , as a slave, through reference to chains and handcuffs, or transformed in dolls, and in some cases, these images are characterised by a high degree of sexualisation.
Practically absent is the image of the empowered, surviving woman, which managed to appear in campaigns against gender violence. The re-victimisation, criminalisation and exoticisation of women is obvious, as in the ad of the National Police, which represents the potential victims with an image characteristic of the news about raids.
It shows the police and women from a club with their back turned, which suggests their relation to the deviation, either criminal or non-criminal. Their condition of irregular immigrants is connoted negatively, linked more to criminality than to their condition as subjects in need of support. They are present as unique protagonists in 14 campaigns, while in the remaining they share space with victims or are verbally alluded to.
With regards to the men who represent, the most common is a young or middle-aged man, in a jacket or casual attire. In contrast to the victims, the male figures are not usually sharp; their representation involves drawings, cartons, blurred photographs, images of men turned around or hiding their face. Only the campaign launched by the Council of Madrid in uses photographs with close-ups, although it applies filters to modify colour. Conversely, the hegemonic representation pattern of women favours their presence using clear and close-up photographs offering testimony.
The legitimacy and effectiveness of this resource of criminalisation can be questioned, as it may not be an effective persuasive strategy to criminalise the consumer whose conduct wants to be inhibited, much less if we consider that, in a situation of consent, the demand for sexual services in exchange for money is not penalised by law. Paid consumption is judged here in different degrees: from being an undesirable act that morally degrades the perpetrator, to becoming a directly violent and, therefore, illicit action. Thus, the demand for sex appears as a socially marginalised and condemned behavior; however, its relevance in terms of consumption.
Likewise, this ad does not elaborate on the complex relationship existing between the consumer of a service and the conditions of exploitation.
This absence could be at the service of an abolitionist argument that wants to operate on the hierarchy of certain moral values, a certain common sense and certain political proposals, which avoid setting out clearly the context or the systemic repercussions of this approach. Finally, the representation of the pimp emerges in a minority of cases. The pimp is represented marginally in 2 campaigns and always in a condemnatory way.
It is interesting to note that the group of campaigns does not illustrate criminals traffickers, pimps, abusers The only human representation of the criminals who mediate in the process is, curiously, that of a woman who retains the passport of an alleged victim in the campaign of the National Police. Collective characters: citizens The citizenry or society, in general, is more mentioned verbally in four campaigns than represented at the physical level in only two campaigns , as the subject recipient of the campaigns and indirectly responsible for the situation due to its presumed indifference and inaction.
Here the proposals try to mobilise citizens by questioning them as witness, as people who see what happens, read the papers or the internet ads, and must wake up and act, taking charge of the situation in some way. Arguments Concerning the arguments put into play, the campaign slogans were analysed, understood as bearers of their essential concept in terms of their communicational objective. Without customers The second most recognisable argument aims to avoid the conversion of women into commodities.
The limitation of this strategy is in the reiteration in the visual representation of the conceptual idea that it aims to avoid, which reinforces instead of widening the imaginary associated with the problem. On the other hand, eight campaigns highlight the need to acknowledge the problem.
In this case, the campaigns encourage people to be critical in an unspecific way, assuming certain shared ideas, such as the need to not normalise prostitution and consider that the contexts of prostitution include trafficking. It is observed that the mostly abolitionist ideological line here is more focused on blaming the client to avoid consumption than on actively involving clients in the solution.
Discussion and conclusions The analysis reveals the institutional perspectives that have been shown to or hidden from the public in relation to trafficking in women for sexual exploitation, which allows the identification of the possible areas of improvement in future campaigns. It has been observed that the campaigns have prioritised points of view such as blaming consumption or the narrative centred on the vulnerability of the victims, over other aspects of the crime and the system of trafficking that remain invisible or marginal. This builds a univocal narrative, in which the conflict between good and bad actors is simplified to the detriment of greater nuances and structural factors , which favours the widespread rejection towards solicitors of prostitution and an empathic attitude towards the victims.
Public institutions, by democratic delegation, are presented as compassionate, efficient and capable of preventing crime. Moreover, they assume an identity as agents capable of liberating and saving women, thanks to the transfer of resources to other entities city councils or the state security forces and bodies. Institutions operate through advertising from an abolitionist position, which facilitates in the public sphere the narrative orientation of the controversy in favour of this position, at a time when institutional scenarios get intertwined with other territories and remit to the reproduction of certain hegemonic socio-sexual and colonialist orders Kapur, ; Kempadoo, With regards to the demand, while the campaigns do not deny its impact on trafficking, there are limitations in its overrepresentation.
The one-way relation that the campaigns suggest that exist between demand for sexual services and trafficking may not be so obvious. If so, there would be no doubt of the need to prohibit prostitution, and the truth is that its legal status is the subject of academic, political and social debate. The question is, for example, whether it is reasonable for public institutions to communicate that paying for sex is something negative and even illegal when the situation in Spain is of lack of legislative definition. By eluding the causes and structural conditions of trafficking and sexual exploitation and mostly pointing out a wrong and immoral desire to get access to sex for pay, these campaigns open a space to apply the narratives and common places inserted in news stories: raids, disarticulation of networks and pimps condemned in trials, among others.
Representations even more in advertising imply a process of simplification, of translation of the unknown into familiar terms. According to their ways to operate in the public space, they can be useful to widen the social and open spaces of participation and responsibility. From this perspective, the design of future campaigns should start with the discussion and acute review of the strategies and discourses that have been used, and the assessment of their impact, which would require the necessary planning of its integral measurement.
In pursuit of the effectiveness of these interventions, it would be desirable to increase professionalisation in the area of research and to set specific routines oriented to the search for synergies, taking advantage of strategies and campaigns that have been already carried out, and to ending operations in a seasonal basis. This would allow us to unite and streamline efforts, and to keep this issue in the public sphere more continuously. Concerning the strategy of moral, sexual and affective panic followed by the campaigns, it seems necessary to review and implement efforts to connect sexual exploitation with other issues, like other types of exploitation and trafficking, migration policies and violence against women.
The lessons learned must be collected, and the campaigns must incorporate an approach focused on the attackers, the structural causes, and women and their families as survivors and not only as victims. Finally, considering the participation of these campaigns in the controversy, it would be necessary to contemplate the distinction between sexual work and sexual exploitation, and to incorporate other voices and approaches, such as those of sexual workers Kempadoo, Sexo y marginalidad. Madrid: Popular. Alvarado, M. Disertaciones, 10 1 , Andrijasevic, R.
Trafficking in representations: Understanding the recurring appeal of victimhood and slavery in neoliberal times. Anti-trafficking Review 7, Anti-trafficking campaigns: decent?
The Dystopian Imagination in Contemporary Spanish Literature and Film | SpringerLink
Feminist Review, 92 1 , Arquembourg, J. Quaderni, 74, Joseph Coords. The transformative image. The power of a photograph for social change: The death of Aylan. Comunicar, 47, Journal des Antropologhes, , Dewey, J. Madrid: Morata. Gimeno, B. Aportaciones para un debate abierto.
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